AI Library
The Double Structure of Digital Sovereignty
Europe’s Departure from Palantir and the Chains of American Big Tech
Kim Kyung-jin, Attorney at Law
This is a record of 2026, when European intelligence agencies and defense ministries began removing analytics tools from America’s Palantir. It covers the replacement decisions made by France’s General Directorate for Internal Security (DGSI), Germany’s Federal Office for the Protection of the Constitution (BfV), and the Netherlands Ministry of Defense; the incident in which US export controls severed an ally’s ac…
New English Edition
Artificial Intelligence in Horticulture
Kim Kyung-jin, Attorney at Law
Across five chapters and ten sections, this book examines computer vision for crop diagnosis, harvesting robots and autonomous field systems, smart greenhouses and digital twins, precision irrigation and supply-chain quality control, high-throughput phenotyping, and predictive breeding.
New English Edition
Artificial Intelligence in Food Crop Agriculture
Kim Kyung-jin, Attorney at Law
Across six chapters and eighteen sections, the book examines digital agricultural infrastructure, remote sensing, crop diagnosis, yield forecasting, precision irrigation, genomics, molecular breeding, agricultural robotics, climate-smart agriculture, and global food security.
New English Edition
The Future of Forestry and Agroforestry
Kim Kyung-jin, Attorney at Law
Driven by Artificial Intelligence and Digital Innovation
Across five chapters and fifteen sections, the book follows satellites, drones, LiDAR, digital twins, forest-specific language models, wildfire and pest forecasting, forestry robotics, agroforestry, timber traceability, and forest carbon markets.
New English Edition
Smart Livestock Farming: AI Enters the Barn
Kim Kyung-jin, Attorney at Law
Sensors listen, cameras watch, and artificial intelligence helps farmers decide.
Across five chapters and fifteen sections, the book follows precision livestock farming from animal health and reproduction to robotic milking, virtual fencing, digital twins, methane reduction, welfare, and data ownership.
Table of Contents
Han Dong-hoon, Busan Buk-gu Gap: A Record of the 100 Days Before and After the Election (Mar. 26-Jul. 3, 2026)
Kim Kyung-jin
Table of Contents and 13 sections
From March 26 to July 3, 2026, this record follows the spring after expulsion, the Busan Buk-gu Gap by-election, victory as an independent, and the first bill submitted in the National Assembly.
Table of Contents
Artificial Intelligence and Medicine
Kim Kyung-jin, Attorney at Law
AI in clinical care, hospitals, education, and research
AI in medical imaging, risk prediction, treatment planning, hospital operations, education, and research, with patient safety, privacy, and accountability.
[AI Library] Chapter 1: The Night of December 3, 2024: Choosing Nation Over Faction
The Traces Han Dong-hoon Left on South Korea
Chapter 1: The Night of December 3, 2024: Choosing Nation Over Faction
Kim Kyung-jin
The Traces Han Dong-hoon Left on South Korea
Immediate declaration of martial law as unconstitutional, unanimous 190-vote resolution, decision that prevented bloodshed
On the night of December 3, 2024, Han Dong-hoon stood at a crossroads. On one path was a person he had spent the past twenty years with. On the other path was South Korea. He would have been safe had he sided with his close associate. He could have remained silent, pretended ignorance, or waited until morning.
Han Dong-hoon chose South Korea, not his close associate. He did not tolerate even an hour of the nation's misfortune over his own interests. He rushed to the National Assembly, stood in the voting chamber with eighteen legislators, and achieved a unanimous 190-vote resolution to lift martial law. He did not betray gratitude. He protected something greater than gratitude. A man who puts nation above faction, who worries first about the future of fifty million citizens rather than his own security.
This argument is heard often. Since the Democratic Party held a majority of National Assembly seats, the claim goes that the martial law dissolution vote would have occurred even without Han Dong-hoon's intervention.
The numbers suggest this is plausible. But the reality of that night differed from the numbers.
1 Without people present, numbers mean nothing in a vote
Lifting martial law requires a majority of seated National Assembly members to attend and vote. It is true that the Democratic Party held a majority of seats. But the number of seats and the number of people physically in the chamber are different. When the military blocked the National Assembly, its goal was precisely to prevent those people from entering the chamber.
Soldiers and police encircled the National Assembly. Even if legislators arrived, they could not enter. No matter how many seats a party held, it meant nothing without members physically present in the chamber.
2 That night, who was there and who was absent
Democratic Party Chairman Lee Jae-myung was hidden in a wooded area within the National Assembly. The opposition leader did not appear publicly to stand against martial law. Reform Party Chairman Lee Jun-seok did not come to the National Assembly, citing police blockades. Democratic Party member Kim Min-seok, who had repeatedly warned of the martial law possibility, represented a district in Yeongdeungpo,the closest area to the National Assembly,yet did not appear there.
When crisis strikes, a person's true nature is revealed not by their customary words but by their actions in that moment.
3 What did Han Dong-hoon do
Chairman Han Dong-hoon moved the moment he learned of the martial law declaration.
First, he immediately issued a message: "We will stop this unlawful emergency martial law together with the people." The ruling party chairman directly opposed the martial law declared by his own party's president. This message spread nationwide in real time. Citizens gained momentum, and the martial law forces fell into deep confusion. The fact that even the ruling party had abandoned them shook the legitimacy of martial law to its core.
Second, he repeatedly sent messages to soldiers not to participate in the unlawful martial law. This action undermined the morale and cohesion of the martial law forces from within. From the soldiers' perspective in the field, there was now no reason to stake their lives on a martial law that even the ruling party chairman called illegal.
Third, he convened an emergency leadership meeting and led legislators through the police barrier to enter the main chamber of the National Assembly. This scene was broadcast live nationwide. The ruling party chairman breaking through the police line to enter the National Assembly against his own president's martial law. That image completely shifted the atmosphere. Hesitant legislators moved toward the Assembly, and citizens gained confidence that they could prevail.
4 Let me use a soccer analogy
We can say that with eleven players on the team, the match would have occurred regardless of who was missing. But in the final five minutes of the second half, when tied 1-0, no one would tell the player who scored the equalizer, "Another player would have scored without you." The value of a person who takes decisive action at a decisive moment has meaning simply by the fact of their presence.
What Han Dong-hoon did was not simply adding one vote. The fact that the ruling party chairman turned his back on the president and sided with the constitution created the decisive atmosphere for lifting martial law. Martial law was not lifted because the Democratic Party held a majority. It was lifted because the ruling and opposition parties stood together. And the man who created that "together" was Han Dong-hoon.
5 If Han Dong-hoon had not stepped forward
What would have happened if Han Dong-hoon had remained silent? What if the ruling party had sided with the president?
Martial law would have become a fight between the ruling and opposition parties. The military and police would have followed the president's and ruling party's orders. The blockade of the National Assembly would have been harsher, and legislators' entry into the chamber far more difficult. The longer martial law remained in effect, the higher the possibility of violent clashes.
It is true that the Democratic Party was the majority. But what stopped martial law that night was not the number of seats. It was the will to protect the constitution, the action of rushing to the National Assembly despite the danger, the decision to stand with the nation rather than with one's own faction. That is what stopped martial law.
And Han Dong-hoon was the first to send that signal of resolve.
To answer this question, we must examine how Yoon Suk-yeol actually behaved that night.
1 He resisted even after unanimous passage with both ruling and opposition parties
At 1:01 a.m. on December 4, 2024, the resolution demanding the lifting of emergency martial law passed unanimously in the main chamber of the National Assembly, with all 190 seated members voting in favor. This was the result of opposition members and eighteen members of the People Power Party breaking through the military blockade to enter the chamber and participate in the vote. Article 77, Clause 5 of the Constitution is clear. If the National Assembly requests the lifting of martial law by majority vote, the president must comply.
But Yoon Suk-yeol did not lift martial law immediately. Between 2 and 4 a.m., he visited the underground bunker of the Ministry of Defense headquarters in Yongsan, the so-called determination room, to confer with military leaders on countermeasures. He resisted for more than three hours even in the face of the unanimous resolution that united both parties. Only at 4:27 a.m., three hours and twenty-six minutes after the assembly vote, did he announce through a statement his decision to lift martial law. During those three and a half hours, the withdrawal of military forces was delayed, and the nation remained in a state of tension.
2 What if it had been a Democratic Party-only resolution
This is a man who resisted for three and a half hours even in the face of unanimous passage by both parties.
If the resolution had passed with only Democratic Party members, without the ruling party, Yoon Suk-yeol would have had grounds to resist.
"This is a political maneuver by an opposition party captured by anti-state forces. The ruling party did not consent. This is not a true consensus of the National Assembly."
Using such logic, he likely would have refused to lift martial law or delayed it far longer. Beyond simply exercising a veto, he might have continued mobilizing troops and forcefully pursued arrest operations against opposition members. A man who remained barricaded in the determination room until 4:27 a.m. in the face of unanimous passage would hardly have quietly stepped aside before a decision by the opposition alone.
3 Time favored the martial law forces
The longer martial law continued, the more it favored the side that declared it. As time passed, additional military forces would be deployed, communication controls would be tightened, and arrests of key figures would proceed. This is precisely why Yoon Suk-yeol dragged out three and a half hours even after the vote at 1:01 a.m.
If it had been only an opposition party resolution, those three and a half hours could have become six hours, or even twelve. If martial law had extended until the next morning, massive clashes would have erupted in front of the National Assembly and the presidential office, and South Korea would have entered an irreversible path.
4 The meaning of the number 190
A Democratic Party-only resolution would be legally valid. A majority of members present voting in favor would suffice. But what was needed that night was not merely legal validity.
The power to make soldiers lower their guns. The power to make Yoon Suk-yeol, barricaded in the determination room, unable to resist further. The power to give citizens certainty that "this is over." That is what was needed.
One hundred ninety members in unanimous agreement. The entire National Assembly of South Korea, without distinction between ruling and opposition parties, declared in a single voice: "This martial law is unconstitutional." That weight was a substantive political resolution that forced even military leadership to conclude "we can no longer sustain this." A martial law without justification, abandoned even by the ruling party. This understanding took firm root in both the military and the people.
To say that martial law would have been lifted even with an opposition-only resolution is to ignore process and focus only on outcome. That early morning, every minute and second was directly tied to citizens' safety. The unanimous agreement that Han Dong-hoon created between ruling and opposition parties was the fastest, surest, and safest way to end martial law.
And that is why it was able to end at 4:27 a.m., still the earliest possible time.
Kim Kyung-jin
Attorney · Former Member of the National Assembly · AI Policy Researcher
© 2026 Kim Kyung-jin. All rights reserved.