Table of Contents
Artificial Intelligence Translates the Language of Animals
Kim Kyung-jin, Attorney at Law
The Story of AI Learning to Listen to Whales, Dolphins, Birds, and Bees
Twelve chapters on how AI listens to dolphins, sperm whales, humpback whales, birds, and bees to find rules in their sounds, and what this technology means for its risks and for animal rights. Written in simple sentences a child can read, with verified sources in every section.
Table of Contents
AI Deciphers Ancient Scripts
Kim Kyung-jin, Attorney at Law
Ancient Records Revived by AI
In twelve chapters, this book explains how AI revives records once unreadable, from burned scrolls and wooden slips buried in mud to broken clay tablets. It covers virtual unrolling at Herculaneum, virtual collation of oracle-bone texts, reading Silla wooden tablets, computational analysis of undeciphered scripts, and multispectral archives, with verified references for each chapter.
Table of Contents
Artificial Intelligence for New Materials Design and Rocket Propulsion Engineering
Kim Kyung-jin, Attorney at Law
AI Potentials, Self-Driving Laboratories, and Physics-Informed Machine Learning (PIML)
Ten chapters on how artificial intelligence is changing new materials and rocket propulsion: atomic simulation, generative models, self-driving labs, high-temperature alloys, metal 3D printing, combustion, cooling design, and engine diagnosis and control. Written without equations, with verified sources in every chapter.
AI Library
The Age of Autonomous Scientific Discovery
Kim Kyung-jin, Attorney at Law
AI Scientists and Self-Driving Labs
This book follows how AI scientists and self-driving labs are changing the way science generates and verifies claims. It covers literature-based discovery, natural-language protocols translated into robot commands, multi-agent research systems, closed-loop laboratories, materials search, the verification gap, chains of evidence, research harnesses, journal ethics, and legal responsibility.
AI Library
A New Era of Life Sciences Opened by Artificial Intelligence
Structural Proteomics, Genomic Foundation Models, Autonomous Laboratories, and Global Governance
Kim Kyung-jin, Attorney at Law
This book is a research volume compiled with artificial intelligence. A human selected the materials and structured the work, while AI models drafted the sentences and cross-checked the facts.
AI Library
The Double Structure of Digital Sovereignty
Europe’s Departure from Palantir and the Chains of American Big Tech
Kim Kyung-jin, Attorney at Law
This is a record of 2026, when European intelligence agencies and defense ministries began removing analytics tools from America’s Palantir. It covers the replacement decisions made by France’s General Directorate for Internal Security (DGSI), Germany’s Federal Office for the Protection of the Constitution (BfV), and the Netherlands Ministry of Defense; the incident in which US export controls severed an ally’s ac…
New English Edition
Artificial Intelligence in Horticulture
Kim Kyung-jin, Attorney at Law
Across five chapters and ten sections, this book examines computer vision for crop diagnosis, harvesting robots and autonomous field systems, smart greenhouses and digital twins, precision irrigation and supply-chain quality control, high-throughput phenotyping, and predictive breeding.
New English Edition
Artificial Intelligence in Food Crop Agriculture
Kim Kyung-jin, Attorney at Law
Across six chapters and eighteen sections, the book examines digital agricultural infrastructure, remote sensing, crop diagnosis, yield forecasting, precision irrigation, genomics, molecular breeding, agricultural robotics, climate-smart agriculture, and global food security.
New English Edition
The Future of Forestry and Agroforestry
Kim Kyung-jin, Attorney at Law
Driven by Artificial Intelligence and Digital Innovation
Across five chapters and fifteen sections, the book follows satellites, drones, LiDAR, digital twins, forest-specific language models, wildfire and pest forecasting, forestry robotics, agroforestry, timber traceability, and forest carbon markets.
New English Edition
Smart Livestock Farming: AI Enters the Barn
Kim Kyung-jin, Attorney at Law
Sensors listen, cameras watch, and artificial intelligence helps farmers decide.
Across five chapters and fifteen sections, the book follows precision livestock farming from animal health and reproduction to robotic milking, virtual fencing, digital twins, methane reduction, welfare, and data ownership.
Table of Contents
Han Dong-hoon, Busan Buk-gu Gap: A Record of the 100 Days Before and After the Election (Mar. 26-Jul. 3, 2026)
Kim Kyung-jin
Table of Contents and 13 sections
From March 26 to July 3, 2026, this record follows the spring after expulsion, the Busan Buk-gu Gap by-election, victory as an independent, and the first bill submitted in the National Assembly.
Table of Contents
Artificial Intelligence and Medicine
Kim Kyung-jin, Attorney at Law
AI in clinical care, hospitals, education, and research
AI in medical imaging, risk prediction, treatment planning, hospital operations, education, and research, with patient safety, privacy, and accountability.
[AI Library] Chapter 10: Acknowledging the State's Wrongs
The Traces Han Dong-hoon Left on South Korea
Chapter 10: Acknowledging the State's Wrongs
Kim Kyung-jin
The Traces Han Dong-hoon Left on South Korea
Addressing the People's Revolutionary Party Debt Ordeal and Pursuing Retrial in the Jeju 4.3 Incident
Acknowledging State Wrongs and Providing Victim Relief, People's Revolutionary Party and 4.3 Incident (2022-2023) Han Dong-hoon pushed for resolution of the People's Revolutionary Party torture case and ex officio retrial in the Jeju 4.3 Incident. Under the principle that "partisan logic and political logic must be set aside, and only the grievances of individual citizens should be considered," it represented an unprecedented move by a conservative administration to provide relief to victims of historical injustices.
The Debt the State Incurred, The Debt the State Must Repay. Han Dong-hoon Resolves the Grievances of the People's Revolutionary Party and the Jeju 4.3 Incident
1 A Nation Demanding an 84-Year-Old Man Return 1.5 Billion Won
There was a man named Lee Chang-bok. In 2022, he was 84 years old. During the Yusin authoritarian period in 1974, he was imprisoned in connection with the People's Revolutionary Party Reconstruction Committee Incident, the second People's Revolutionary Party case. He was accused of receiving orders from North Korea and attempting to overthrow the state. That accusation was false. The People's Revolutionary Party incident is a representative case of fabricated spy charges; victims were subjected to beatings, torture, and other brutal treatment and were imprisoned for extended periods.
Time passed. In 2008, 76 victims were acquitted in a retrial. Subsequently, they filed damage claims lawsuits against the state, and according to first and second instance judgments, they received provisional compensation in 2009. The state acknowledged its wrongdoing and returned the money to the victims. Up to this point, this is a story of justice working as it should.
However, something strange happened. Two years later, in 2011, the Supreme Court ruled that "the calculation of interest on compensation was incorrect" and ordered the return of approximately 500 million won, half the compensation amount. When the Supreme Court changed its precedent regarding the reference point for calculating interest, a portion of the already-paid compensation became an overpayment.
Mr. Lee Chang-bok used the compensation he received to contribute to the establishment of the Peace Foundation and purchased a countryside house where he could spend his remaining years. He was in no position to repay 500 million won. The National Intelligence Service filed a lawsuit against Mr. Lee, and in 2017 applied for forced execution against his home.
Interest accumulated on the 500 million won he could not repay. Interest of 960 million won accumulated on the principal of 500 million won. The situation became one where he had received 1.09 billion won from the state but now had to repay 1.5 billion won.
A man who had been falsely accused of being a spy and imprisoned, who was acquitted and received compensation, became burdened with a debt greater than the money he had received because precedent changed. The state was operating like a loan shark, collecting interest. People called this "debt ordeal."
2 The Minister Who Saw the Report on His First Day of Work
May 18, 2022. The day Han Dong-hoon took office as Minister of Justice. Among the reports submitted that day was this case. The Seoul High Court had recommended settlement between the government and Mr. Lee Chang-bok, but the Ministry of Justice had rejected the first settlement recommendation during former Minister Park Beom-gye's tenure, and as of May 18, shortly after the Yoon Seok-yeol administration's launch, had rejected the second settlement recommendation as well.
Han Dong-hoon saw this report and recognized the problem. A month later, he changed his position.
On June 20, 2022, at Minister Han Dong-hoon's direction, a "meeting of related agencies regarding recovery of overpaid state compensation" was held with the Seoul High Prosecutor's Office and the National Intelligence Service. They decided to waive approximately 960 million won in delayed interest on the excess compensation Mr. Lee Chang-bok owed to the state and allow him to pay only the principal of 500 million won in installments.
Minister Han Dong-hoon said the following before reporters that day: "From the perspective of common sense held by the public, I thought it was unfair, and I believed it was an area where a responsible official could make a responsible decision. I only considered the grievances of individual citizens and believed that partisan logic and political logic should be set aside."
It is necessary to weigh the significance of this statement. The People's Revolutionary Party incident is one of the most acute symbols of factional conflict in modern Korean history. The progressive camp views it as a representative case of human rights violations under the Yusin regime, while some in the conservative camp interpret it as an unavoidable measure from a national security perspective. For a justice minister from a conservative administration to stand with the victims of this incident was not a politically easy choice.
Han Dong-hoon did not venture into the factional dispute. "The Ministry of Justice made this decision through deep deliberation with the National Intelligence Service, which serves as the litigation agency, and will strive to resolve the public's grievances solely from the perspective of facts, common sense, and justice," he added.
His logic was not ideology but arithmetic. "Due to the exceptional circumstance of a precedent change following provisional payment, a process of 'give then take back' occurred, and when the state compensation to be received is 600 million won but the amount to be repaid becomes 1.5 billion won, leaving this as is would result in injustice to the citizen in question." It was a structure that anyone could see was unfair.
3 Changing Not One Person but the System Itself
After resolving the problem of Mr. Lee Chang-bok alone, Han Dong-hoon did not stop.
In August 2022, he applied the same measures to two other victims of the People's Revolutionary Party incident,the bereaved families of the late Jeon Jae-gwon and Jung Man-jin. He exempted 890 million won and 370 million won in delayed interest respectively and had them pay only the principal in installments. Regarding these measures, Han Dong-hoon said, "Following Mr. Lee Chang-bok in June, this measure represents an effort to transcend partisan logic, care for people's livelihoods, and fulfill the state's duty to resolve the public's grievances."
Of the 49 billion won in compensation for 77 People's Revolutionary Party victims, 21.1 billion won was reduced, and 39 people faced the situation of having to bear greater interest than the money they had received. Simply exempting interest for one or two victims could not be a fundamental solution. The structure itself, in which one had to wait for each individual case to receive settlement recommendations from the court, was the problem.
Lee Song-woo, a poet and son of victim Lee Chang-bok, expressed complex feelings about the end of his father's debt ordeal. "It seemed like the Moon Jae-in administration, which called itself the Candlelight government, would resolve the problem. But did they not leave office having done things far removed from the inaugural address that promised to 'wipe away the sad tears of the people'?" Mr. Lee Chang-bok himself said this: "The Lee Myung-bak and Park Geun-hye administrations committed grave wrongs against us. The Moon Jae-in administration did not resolve this, and now a conservative administration has finally resolved the problem, so I suppose you could call it half a success."
A conservative administration minister untangled a knot that a progressive administration had failed to untangle. That minister did not invoke progressivism or conservatism. The only basis was that there were aggrieved citizens who needed relief.
4 The State Kneels Before 70 Years of Grievance: Ex Officio Retrial in the Jeju 4.3 Incident
Han Dong-hoon's efforts to provide relief for historical injustices did not stop with the People's Revolutionary Party. Three months into his tenure, in August 2022, he turned his attention to the Jeju 4.3 Incident.
The Jeju 4.3 Incident is an event in which tens of thousands of residents were killed during armed conflict and suppression that occurred on Jeju Island from 1947 to 1954. In this process, thousands of residents, despite their innocence, were unjustly imprisoned after being tried for offenses such as rebellion and violations of the National Defense Law.
In accordance with the revised 4.3 Special Act of February 2022, the prosecution became able to petition ex officio for retrial for those imprisoned in military courts. A joint task force for ex officio retrial of the Jeju 4.3 Incident was established under the Gwangju High Prosecutor's Office, and ex officio retrial was petitioned for 340 people imprisoned in military courts, of which 250 received acquittals from the courts.
However, there was a problem. The retrial subjects explicitly specified in the law were only those imprisoned in military courts. Approximately 1,500 individuals who underwent civilian trials were excluded from this benefit. Although they were imprisoned unjustly due to the same incident, those who underwent military trials received state assistance, while those who underwent civilian trials had to bear the costs themselves to petition for retrial.
A family involved with the Jeju 4.3 Residents' Alliance experienced that contradiction firsthand. Mr. Kang Chul-hun, who resided in Yusugam-ri, Aewol-eup, Jeju City, saw both his father and mother tried during the Jeju 4.3 Incident, taken away, and never return to Jeju. His mother underwent military trial and his father underwent civilian trial. Through ex officio retrial, his mother had her innocence recognized, but his father's case remained indefinitely delayed.
Han Dong-hoon instructed that this gap be closed. "Beyond the 'military courts' specified in the 4.3 Special Act, there is a great need to restore the honor of and provide relief to those imprisoned after civilian trials and their bereaved families. Going forward, I want measures to be prepared to expand ex officio retrial petitions to those imprisoned after civilian trials not specified in the 4.3 Special Act."
This was an instruction that went beyond the scope specified in the law. Han Dong-hoon explained this by saying, "Previous administrations did not expand the ex officio retrial work to civilian trial victims of 4.3 because it required much effort." While military courts had prisoner rosters, civilian trials required an exhaustive investigation of individual judgments, making analysis difficult. If it was something left undone because it required much work, then it should be done even if it requires much work,that was Han Dong-hoon's judgment.
Related Jeju 4.3 organizations unanimously expressed support. The Jeju 4.3 Peace Foundation said, "This measure will serve as a breakthrough for restoring the honor of civilian trial victims," and the Jeju 4.3 Institute evaluated it as "an opportunity to take another step toward a just resolution of the Jeju 4.3 issue."
Kyunghyang Shinmun reported on this measure as "a 'non-partisan' move following the decision to exempt People's Revolutionary Party victims from interest payments."
5 Why Did a Minister From a Conservative Administration Do This?
It is necessary to raise a question. The People's Revolutionary Party incident was a wrongdoing of the Park Chung-hee regime. The Jeju 4.3 Incident was a tragedy in early South Korea. Providing relief to victims of these two incidents has traditionally been seen as the responsibility of the progressive camp. When progressive administrations took office, they promised to resolve these issues and achieved partial success, but the People's Revolutionary Party debt burden and the 4.3 civilian trial victim problem ultimately went unresolved.
Han Dong-hoon did not view this work as a "progressive task." He viewed it as a "state wrongdoing." Wrongs committed by the state must be corrected by any administration. There is no reason for a conservative administration to turn a blind eye to a conservative administration's past wrongs. Rather, when a conservative administration itself acknowledges and corrects past mistakes, that action carries greater weight.
During a July 2023 visit to Jeju to inspect the work of the joint task force, Han Dong-hoon said: "Justice is based on the judicial system. Ex officio retrial for matters from over 70 years ago is unprecedented worldwide, but by current standards, injustice must be resolved within our judicial system for it to have legitimacy. Our government will do its best without tiring until the end."
The phrase "without tiring until the end" weighs on my mind. Finding and analyzing judgment documents from an incident 70 years old one page at a time, confirming survivors, meeting bereaved families, and petitioning for retrial are tasks whose results are not quickly visible. These are not matters that generate political credit. That is why previous administrations had postponed them, citing the reason that "they required much effort."
Han Dong-hoon did this work. For the People's Revolutionary Party, he ended the debt ordeal, and for the Jeju 4.3, he broadened the door for ex officio retrial. Both decisions were ones that could make his conservative political base uncomfortable. He accepted that discomfort. The statement that "partisan logic and political logic have no place in resolving the public's grievances" was not rhetoric but a principle backed by actual administrative decisions.
Kim Kyung-jin
Attorney · Former Member of the National Assembly · AI Policy Researcher
© 2026 Kim Kyung-jin. All rights reserved.