Part III: Politics and International Relations

A. The 2003 Rose Revolution and Saakashvili's Reforms

On November 22, 2003, tens of thousands of citizens gathered in front of the Georgian parliament building in Tbilisi. Young politician Mikheil Saakashvili, holding a red rose in his hand, stepped forward from the crowd. He wore jeans and a black leather jacket. He rushed into the parliament chamber, and President Eduard Shevardnadze, who had been speaking, was surrounded by security personnel and hastily left the building. Saakashvili walked to the podium and drank the tea from the cup that Shevardnadze had left behind. This symbolic act opened a new chapter in modern Georgian history.

Portrait of a Failed State

To understand the Rose Revolution, we must first look at the conditions Georgia faced at that time. After the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991, independent Georgia experienced a dark period marked by civil war, separatist conflict, and economic collapse. In the early 1990s, wars of secession broke out in the regions of Abkhazia and South Ossetia, creating hundreds of thousands of refugees. State functions were effectively paralyzed.

In 2003, Georgia could not escape being labeled a "failed state." The government could not even pay civil servants' salaries properly. The electricity situation was dire. Power was supplied only a few hours a day, and even that was irregular. This was true despite the country's abundant hydroelectric potential. The 135-kilometer journey from Zugdidi to Mestia took five hours because the roads were in terrible condition. The international airport was dilapidated and shabby.

The police were not an institution that protected citizens; they were closer to bandits on the street. It was routine for traffic police to stop drivers and demand bribes. Civil service positions were bought and sold, and every administrative procedure came with "unofficial fees." According to a World Bank survey, Georgia was ranked among the most corrupt countries in the world at the time. For years, the state could not collect even 70 percent of its expected revenue.

The Rule of the 'Thieves-in-Law'

What actually governed Georgian society during this period was not the government but a criminal organization called the 'Thieves-in-Law' (Georgian: kanonier kurdevi). This criminal subculture, formed in Soviet-era prisons, had its own independent code of conduct and organizational hierarchy. Central

government's control weakened, they penetrated deep into the political and economic structure.

The Shevardnadze regime had neither the ability nor the will to solve this problem. Some suspected the regime itself was complicit with criminal organizations. The people were exhausted. A longing for law, order, and justice was building.

The Spark of Revolution

The parliamentary election held on November 2, 2003, was the spark. Exit polls showed that the United National Movement led by Saakashvili had won overwhelmingly. But the official results announced by the government were the opposite. It was blatant electoral fraud. Angry citizens poured into the streets.

The protests continued for twenty days. The independent television station Rustavi-2 broadcast the demonstrations live, and the youth movement group Kmara (meaning "enough!") organized citizens. George Soros's Open Society Foundation provided funding and technical support. The documentary "Bringing Down a Dictator," which detailed nonviolent resistance strategies, was broadcast. The experience of bringing down Slobodan Milosevic's regime in Serbia had been transmitted to Georgia.

On November 22, when Shevardnadze began his speech at the first session of the newly elected parliament, protesters forced their way into the parliament building. Security personnel escorted the president out, and the next day Shevardnadze announced his resignation. It was a bloodless revolution. The military and police stood with the protesters. The transfer of power without bloodshed was unprecedented in the former Soviet region.

The Emergence of a 36-Year-Old President

In the presidential election held on January 4, 2004, Saakashvili was elected with 96.2 percent of the vote. Europe's youngest president was born. He was thirty-six years old. He was an elite who had graduated from Columbia University Law School, spoke fluent English, and had the support of the Western world. In his inaugural address, he declared that he would make Georgia part of Europe.

Saakashvili's government's reforms were swift and radical. The pace astonished not only Georgians but the international community as well. The World Bank named Georgia the "world's top reforming country" for five consecutive years from 2006 to 2011.

Police Reform: A Change That Seemed Impossible

The most symbolic reform was the complete dismantling and rebuilding of the police force. In July 2004, the Saakashvili government fired every traffic police officer, who were a breeding ground for corruption. Police officers numbering from approximately 16,000 to 30,000 lost their jobs overnight. It was a bold decision. Dissolving the entire police organization and rebuilding it from scratch was an unprecedented experiment.

The recruitment and training of new police officers followed. Experts from the United States and Europe oversaw the training. Salaries were significantly increased. Because past police salaries were abysmal, taking bribes was seen as a means of survival. The new government resolved to break this vicious cycle. Reports indicate that police officer salaries were increased tenfold or more. In return, a zero-tolerance policy was applied to bribery.

The effects of the reform were dramatic. Police officers who stopped drivers on the road and demanded bribes disappeared. Citizens could trust the police for the first time. In a 2009 opinion poll by the International Republican Institute, the police became the third most trusted institution in Georgia, after the Georgian Orthodox Church and the military. This was an unimaginable change just five years earlier. By 2006, Georgia had one police officer for every 214 citizens. Before the reform, it was one for every 78 citizens. Quality was chosen over quantity.

War Against the 'Thieves-in-Law'

Saakashvili declared all-out war against organized crime. "As long as I am president, I will not tolerate any criminal power," he declared. The new government imposed harsh punishment on the 'Thieves-in-Law.'

A law was enacted. Simply holding the status of a 'Thief-in-Law' could result in punishment. The property of crime bosses was confiscated by the state. Multimillion-dollar mansions belonging to major mafia figures like Zakhar Kalashov were seized and converted into police stations or government offices.

Many criminal organization members were arrested or fled abroad to Russia, Ukraine, Turkey, and other countries. In the process, there were controversies over human rights violations. Some criticized coercive investigations that disregarded due process. However, the majority of the population welcomed this change. It allowed them to escape the daily threat of criminals on the streets.

Administrative Modernization and Economic Reform

Anti-corruption efforts spread throughout the administration. The "House of Justice," which opened in 2011, was a symbol of this reform. Citizens could now handle various administrative procedures including passport issuance, real estate registration, and business licensing all in one place and quickly. Previously, they had to visit each agency separately and were asked for bribes each time. In the new system, all procedures were conducted transparently.

The tax system was also simplified. The complex tax structure was replaced with a single flat tax of 20 percent. Business registration became possible in a single day. Foreign investment surged. Despite Russia's energy blockade, trade sanctions, the 2008 war, and the global financial crisis, the Georgian economy grew at nearly 7 percent annually from 2004 to 2012.

State revenue also increased dramatically. Compared to the past government's inability to collect even 70 percent of expected revenue, this was a revolutionary change. These resources were used to modernize infrastructure and improve cities. Salaries and pensions were increased. Georgia soon became a net energy exporter. This occurred in a country that, just after the Rose Revolution, had electricity for only a few hours a day.

Pro-Western Foreign Policy

The Saakashvili government also attempted a dramatic shift in foreign policy. It set EU and NATO membership as the country's top priority. It declared that Georgia was a European country and must become part of Europe. Prime Minister Zurab Zhvania's statement "I am Georgian, therefore I am European" succinctly expressed this policy direction.

This pro-Western orientation inevitably worsened relations with Russia. Russia perceived Georgia's attempt to align with the West as a threat to its own security. In 2006, Russia

banned imports of Georgian wine and mineral water. It also used energy supply as a weapon. Relations between the two countries deteriorated rapidly.

The Scars of the 2008 War

The tensions exploded into full-scale war in August 2008. An armed conflict over the South Ossetia region escalated into Russian military intervention. Georgia was defeated in the five-day war. Russia recognized the independence of Abkhazia and South Ossetia and stationed troops in these regions. Georgia lost effective control over approximately 20 percent of its territory.

There is debate over responsibility for the war. An independent commission established by the EU (Tagliavini Commission) concluded that Georgia initiated the military operation first. However, it also noted that Russia's response exceeded the principle of proportionality. The Saakashvili government argued that it was responding to Russian provocation. The war dealt a serious blow to Saakashvili's political standing.

Shadows of Reform

The achievements of the Saakashvili era are difficult to deny. However, there were shadows. During the reform process, power became concentrated in the president's hands. The independence of the judiciary was weakened. Opposition figures claimed there were politically motivated investigations and prosecutions. In 2007, anti-government protests were suppressed violently. The independent broadcaster Imedi television was forcibly closed.

The human rights situation in prisons was also problematic. Allegations of torture and ill-treatment of prisoners were raised. Just before the 2012 presidential election, videos of prison abuse were made public, sparking public outrage. While the Saakashvili government invoked the rule of law, it faced criticism for not distinguishing between "rule by law" and "rule of law." The goal of reform was justice, but there emerged a paradox in which justice was compromised in the process.

As his tenure progressed, fatigue accumulated. The generation that had grown up after the Rose Revolution began to criticize the government's authoritarian tendencies. In the 2012 election, the people chose change. The time had come for new forces to emerge.

B. Bidzina Ivanishvili and Twelve Years of the 'Georgian Dream'

In October 2012, the Georgian Dream coalition won the parliamentary elections. This marked the first peaceful transfer of power since the Rose Revolution. Such a transfer of power through elections was rare in the former Soviet Union. The international community welcomed this as a sign of Georgia's democratic maturity.

The Enigmatic Billionaire

The founder and leader of Georgian Dream is Bidzina Ivanishvili. He is Georgia's wealthiest person. According to Forbes, his net worth is approximately 4.9 billion dollars, equivalent to 15 percent of Georgia's gross domestic product. In the 1990s, he accumulated enormous wealth through businesses in metals, finance, and real estate in Russia. At one point, he even owned the Russian Credit Bank, then Russia's largest private bank.

His ties to Russia were controversial from the start. The opposition and civil society labeled him a Russian oligarch. The Saakashvili government even attempted to revoke his Georgian citizenship. Ivanishvili countered that he had conducted business in Russia but had no connection to the Russian government. He publicly stated his support for Georgia's membership in the EU and NATO.

In the 2012 election, Ivanishvili's coalition intensely attacked the Saakashvili administration's authoritarian practices, human rights abuses in prisons, and economic inequality. Video footage of prison abuse released just before the election proved decisive. The people wanted change, and Georgian Dream emerged as the alternative.

Early Years in Power: Expectations and Reality

Ivanishvili served as prime minister for approximately one year, from October 2012 to November 2013. He subsequently stepped down from his official position. However, his withdrawal from politics was merely formal. As the party's "honorary chairman" and Georgia's wealthiest person, he continued to wield influence over the entire government. Even when prime ministers and ministers changed, the actual source of power remained constant. The fact that many government officials came from companies or banks owned by Ivanishvili attests to this. A former prime minister and former deputy minister of the economy have records of working at his family-owned bank. The interior minister was his former bodyguard. There are also reports that the health minister during the COVID-19 pandemic was Ivanishvili's wife's personal dentist.

In its early years, the Georgian Dream government advocated a balanced foreign policy, maintaining relations with the West while seeking normalization of ties with Russia. In 2014, it signed an Association Agreement with the EU, and in 2017, a visa-free travel agreement with the EU came into effect. Georgian citizens were able to

travel freely to Schengen Area countries. This was significant progress toward European integration.

Signs of Democratic Decline

However, beginning around 2017, signs of democratic decline began to appear. International democracy indices recorded a decline in Georgia's rankings. Judicial independence weakened. Pressure on press freedom increased. Civil society organizations faced constraints on their activities.

In April 2023, the U.S. State Department imposed sanctions on four Georgian Supreme Court judges. The reasons were political corruption and undermining the judicial system. For the first time in Georgian history, the country's own judiciary faced foreign sanctions.

Anti-corruption reforms also stalled. Reports indicated that the "law of thieves" culture, which had been eradicated during the Saakashvili era, was beginning to resurface. Some suspected that those in power were developing informal collaborative relationships with criminal subcultures to mobilize voters and control prison inmates. The government denied this. Nevertheless, concerns grew that the radical reforms achieved during the Saakashvili era were gradually being eroded.

2022: A Turning Point: After the Ukraine War

Russia's full-scale invasion of Ukraine in February 2022 decisively altered the direction of Georgian politics. This war was not a distant affair for Georgians. They watched a larger-scale repetition of what they had experienced in 2008. The majority of the population expressed solidarity with Ukraine.

However, the Georgian Dream government's response fell short of expectations. Georgia voted in favor of Russia's expulsion from the Council of Europe and supported the International Criminal Court's investigation of Ukrainian war crimes. But it did not participate in economic sanctions against Russia. It did not provide weapons to Ukraine. Rather, trade with Russia surged dramatically. Statistics show that trade volume with Russia increased 79 percent in 2022 compared to the previous year. In 2023, Russian flights resumed operations.

The government argued for caution. It claimed that Georgia should refrain from additional provocations while in a state of conflict with Russia. The logic was that premature actions could threaten national security given that Russian forces were stationed across the border. Critics characterized this as a shift toward a pro-Russia stance.

The Global War Party Conspiracy Theory

During this period, Ivanishvili and Georgian Dream leadership began employing strange rhetoric. They claimed that the United States and EU were trying to drag Georgia into war with Russia to open a "second front." They asserted that a force they called the "Global War Party" existing in the West was threatening Georgia's peace. They warned that this force was plotting a revolution in Georgia through Western-funded NGOs.

The ruling party framed itself as "guardians of peace" and the opposition and civil society as "forces of war." It called Saakashvili's United National Movement the "collective UNM," highlighting the "crimes" of the previous administration. It reinterpreted the 2008 war as the result of Saakashvili's "reckless provocation."

This narrative resembled the tone of Russian state media. It condemned Western "interference in internal affairs" and attacked liberal values under the guise of preserving traditional values. Critics pointed out that this mimicked Russian disinformation strategies.

EU Candidate Status and the Reversal

In December 2023, the EU granted Georgia candidate status. This was significant progress toward a goal that the vast majority of Georgians longed for. Polls showed that about 80 percent of the population supported EU membership. The constitution explicitly states EU and NATO membership as national goals.

However, the Georgian Dream government's actions contradicted this goal. Assessments indicate that only three of the twelve reform priorities presented by the EU were implemented. In 2024, bills that the EU strongly opposed passed one after another. The "Foreign Agents Transparency Law" and the "Law on Family Values," which restricts LGBTQ rights, are prime examples. The EU warned that these laws would become obstacles to accession negotiations.

The Shocking Announcement of November 2024

On November 28, 2024, Prime Minister Irakli Kobakhidze made a shocking announcement. Georgia would suspend EU accession negotiations until 2028. It also rejected EU financial assistance. The government itself abandoned a national goal explicitly stated in the constitution. The regime blocked the path to European integration that the overwhelming majority of the people supported.

Regarding the reason for this announcement, the government claimed that "the EU does not treat Georgia with dignity." It argued that the West was interfering in internal affairs and did not respect Georgia's sovereignty. However, critics countered that this was merely an excuse. The real reason, they said, was the government's lack of willingness to meet the democratic standards required for EU membership. Some interpreted it as a choice to continue authoritarian rule under Russian influence.

Following this announcement, massive protests erupted across Georgia. Citizens took to the streets waving European and Georgian flags. The government responded with harsh crackdowns. The most serious political crisis since the Rose Revolution of 2003 had begun.

c. The 2024 General Election Fraud Allegations and Large-Scale Protests

The Georgian parliamentary elections held on October 26, 2024, were viewed as a watershed moment for democracy's direction. It was a test of Georgian Dream's bid for a fourth consecutive term after twelve years in power. The opposition coalition, calling for a return to the European integration path, appealed for a change of government. There was widespread recognition that the election's outcome would determine whether Georgia would move toward Europe or return to Russia's sphere of influence.

A Tilted Playing Field

Concerns about fairness were raised even before the election. International election observers, including the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe's Office for Democratic Institutions and Human Rights (OSCE/ODIHR), pointed out serious problems in the electoral environment. The ruling party exploited enormous administrative resources and financial advantages. State-owned and pro-government private media outlets delivered biased coverage.

Reports indicate that there was systematic pressure on public sector employees. In the days before voting, civil society activists and opposition figures received anonymous threatening calls. Some experienced physical violence. Posters appeared in several cities labeling NGO leaders and journalists critical of the government as "traitors" and "enemies."

Election Results and Suspicions

According to official results, Georgian Dream won by a landslide with approximately 54 percent of the vote. The opposition coalition received 38 percent. However, the opposition rejected these results. President Salome Zourabichvili declared, "This is complete fraud, a complete theft of your votes." She claimed the election was part of a "Russian special operation."

International election observers also expressed serious concerns. In its final report, OSCE/ODIHR noted that while the election provided "a choice between different candidates," it expressed concern about the impact of recently adopted laws on "fundamental freedoms and civil society." Specific cases of electoral fraud were reported, including ballot box stuffing, voter bribery, and intimidation.

Concerns were also raised about the possibility of manipulation in the electronic voting system. According to reports, situations were discovered in some polling stations where voting choices could be observed from outside. This constituted a violation of the secret ballot principle. It meant that voters were not assured of an environment in which they could vote freely without fear of retaliation.

Opposition Boycott and Single-Party Parliament

Four opposition parties exceeded the 5 percent threshold for parliament. Three of these parties' elected representatives renounced their seats. The remaining party also refused to take office, claiming parliament was illegitimate. As a result, a single-party parliament was effectively established.

In February 2025, even more extreme measures followed. Georgian Dream MPs passed a resolution stripping 49 opposition MPs of their seats for refusing to take office. Criminal charges against opposition figures mounted. Former Prime Minister Giorgi Gakharia was indicted for abuse of authority and faced a possible prison sentence of 13 to 15 years. He is currently residing overseas.

The government is also attempting to ban the activities of opposition parties, including the United National Movement. There are moves to eliminate the voting rights of Georgians living abroad. In the 2024 election, Georgian Dream's support among overseas voters was only 13 percent.

Anger in the Streets

Protests began the day after the election. Tens of thousands of citizens gathered on Rustaveli Avenue and Freedom Square in Tbilisi. They waved Georgian flags, EU flags, and Ukrainian flags. Chants of "Return my vote" and "Georgia is Europe" echoed through the streets.

After the announcement of the suspension of EU negotiations on November 28, protests intensified. According to ACLED data, more than 100 demonstrations occurred across the country in the sixteen days that followed. An unprecedented figure. Protests spread beyond the capital of Tbilisi to provincial cities including Batumi and Kutaisi.

The protesters were diverse. University students, civil society activists, opposition supporters, and ordinary citizens all joined in. By September 2025, the protests had continued for more than 300 days. Georgian media reported that "a broad spectrum of Georgian society" was participating, from students to civil activists to the opposition.

The State's Violence

The government's response was brutal. Police special forces fired tear gas, water cannons, and rubber bullets at peaceful demonstrators. Hundreds were arrested. On December 18, 2024, Georgia's Public Defender announced that a delegation had interviewed 327 detainees, of whom 225 had reported mistreatment, and visible signs of physical injury were found on 157.

International human rights organizations including Transparency International Georgia criticized "Georgian Dream" for "planning systematic torture of peaceful demonstrators." Georgia's Public Defender concluded that the nature and severity of injuries deliberately inflicted on protesters "constituted acts of torture."

According to a BBC investigation, the government used the chemical substance camite against demonstrators. The UN Special Rapporteur on Torture characterized this as "a clear violation of human rights law." Evidence also circulated on social media showing that plainclothes police and thugs linked to the ruling party attacked protesters and journalists. They became known as "Titushky," the term applied in Ukraine to hired enforcers whom the Yanukovych regime deployed to suppress demonstrations.

Fractures Within

What was striking was the fracture that appeared within the security forces. According to Gocha Berize, former head of maritime safety for the Batumi coastal guard, forty-nine Interior Ministry officers resigned. This included the head of the riot control unit, Irakli Shaidze, and four of his subordinates, sixteen special forces instructors, the director of psychological training and twelve staff members, and all sixteen water cannon operators.

Shaidze left Georgia for his family's safety and later testified in interviews. According to him, police violence was systematic and command-driven. The orders, he said, came from Zviad Kharazishvili, the head of special operations, and Ivanishvili. He stated that no internal investigation into police violence had been conducted and none was planned.

The International Response

The international community expressed grave concern about the situation in Georgia. On November 28, 2024, the European Parliament passed a resolution by an overwhelming vote of 444 to 72 (with 82 abstentions) rejecting the legitimacy of Georgia's election results. On February 13, 2025, an additional resolution passed denying legitimacy to the results of both the parliamentary and presidential elections.

The United States, Britain, and others imposed sanctions on senior officials of "Georgian Dream." The United States sanctioned Ivanishvili personally and froze his assets in America. Secretary of State Antony Blinken accused Ivanishvili and "Georgian Dream" of "undermining democratic institutions, enabling human rights violations, and derailing Georgia's Euro-Atlantic future for Russian interests." Britain imposed travel bans and asset freezes on five senior officials including the Interior Minister, Deputy Interior Minister, Tbilisi Police Chief, and the head of Special Operations.

On December 20, 2024, thirty-seven OSCE member states invoked the "Vienna Mechanism." This procedure allows OSCE members to inquire about the human rights situation in other member states. They expressed concern about mistreatment of detainees, violence against journalists, and police immunity, demanding a response within ten days.

The President's Solitary Resistance

President Salome Zourabichvili refused to recognize the legitimacy of the election results and the new parliament. On December 14, 2024, when parliament elected Mikheil Kavelashvili as the new president,

she declared the election void. She maintained that she remained the rightful president.

On December 29, Kavelashvili held his inauguration. As Zourabichvili left the Orbeliani Palace where she had resided, she said the building was "only a symbol." She denounced the inauguration as "a mockery of democracy" and characterized "Georgian Dream" as a regime that was "isolated, fearful, corrupt, illegal, unrecognized, and under sanctions."

Zourabichvili opened a new office and continued her efforts to resolve the crisis through meetings at home and abroad. But her practical power was limited. Georgia is a parliamentary republic, and the president holds a largely ceremonial role. Her resistance carried great symbolic weight, yet her influence on the actual political situation was minimal.

B. The "Foreign Agents Law" and the Specter of Russian Control

The most contentious legislation to shake Georgia in 2024 was the official "Law on the Transparency of Foreign Influence," commonly known as the "Foreign Agents Law." The law split Georgian society in two. Supporters argued it was essential for "protecting sovereignty." Critics warned it was a copy of "Russian law" that would destroy democracy.

The Legislation's Contents

The law mandates that non-governmental organizations and media outlets receiving twenty percent or more of their funding from abroad register themselves as "organizations pursuing foreign interests." Registered entities must submit detailed financial and activity reports. Violations incur severe fines. Administrative fines reach as high as 5,000 lari, approximately 1.9 million won. Repeated violations can result in criminal prosecution.

The Anti-Corruption Bureau established under this law was given broad discretionary powers. It can monitor, investigate, and penalize target organizations. Critics feared the bureau would be used as a tool to suppress civil society organizations critical of the government.

A Copy of Russian Law

The law earned the name "Russian law" for good reason. In 2012, Russia enacted legislation with nearly identical provisions. Since then, the law has served as a primary tool for suppressing civil society and independent media in Russia. Organizations critical of the government, once branded "foreign agents," became isolated from the public and their activities withered. Numerous NGOs, including the human rights group Memorial, were dissolved under this law.

Belarus and Azerbaijan adopted similar legislation. All three represent a typical tactic used by authoritarian regimes to control civil society. The Venice Commission, an advisory body to the Council of Europe, strongly criticized Georgia's law as violating freedom of association and freedom of expression, incompatible with democratic pluralism, and recommended its repeal.

The First Attempt and Its Failure

"Georgian Dream" first attempted the legislation in 2023. But faced with massive protests, it had to withdraw. Tens of thousands demonstrated against it in the streets of Tbilisi, and some clashed with police in front of the parliament building. International criticism was also severe. The EU warned that passage would pose a serious obstacle to Georgia's integration into Europe. In the end, the government backed down.

But this was only a temporary retreat. The bill was resubmitted in April 2024. This time, the government did not relent.

The Resistance of Spring 2024

Large-scale protests resumed immediately after resubmission. Tens of thousands gathered daily in front of the parliament building. According to Human Rights Watch, dozens of journalists and media workers were injured by police use of force. Credible reports indicate that on May 1, police used rubber bullets.

In the weeks before passage, activists and politicians faced organized intimidation and threats. Hundreds of activists and their families, even their young children, received repeated anonymous threatening calls. Posters bearing photographs of NGO leaders and critical journalists appeared in cities across the country. The posters branded them "traitors" and "enemies." Between late April and June, more than a dozen activists suffered physical violence from unidentified assailants. Many required hospital treatment for head injuries and other wounds.

Passage and Its Aftermath

Despite all the resistance, the bill passed finally in May 2024. The president exercised her veto, but parliament overrode it. The law took effect.

The United States responded immediately. The State Department imposed visa restrictions on dozens of Georgian nationals for their role in "undermining democracy in Georgia." The leaders of the EU's twenty-seven member states announced that Georgia's accession process had been effectively suspended. EU Commission President Ursula von der Leyen criticized the law as "violating the core values of the EU."

Abkhazia also adopted similar legislation in 2023. This showed that Russia was spreading the same control mechanism across regions within its sphere of influence.

The Pretext of Protecting "Traditional Values"

Another repressive law pushed alongside the "Foreign Agents Law" was the "Law on Family Values and Protection of Minors." It was, in effect, anti-LGBTQ legislation. The ruling party claimed that Western NGOs sought to destroy Georgia's traditions and church through "pseudo-liberal ideology" and "LGBTQ propaganda." The logic was that constitutional amendments and legislation were necessary to prevent this.

The law went beyond suppressing LGBTQ rights to attack Western values and human rights standards themselves. At the same time, it served as a political tool to mobilize conservative voters. The Georgian Orthodox Church wielded enormous influence, with approximately eighty percent of the population registered as members.

The government sought to build an image as a "guardian of traditional values" through its alliance with the church.

The Expansion of Repression

After the Foreign Agents Act took effect, pressure on civil society intensified. NGO offices critical of the government were raided. Documents were seized and staff were interrogated. Sanctions against independent media strengthened. Reports indicate that in 2025, several independent media outlets were forced to suspend operations.

Penalties against protest participants also intensified. Administrative violations that previously resulted in fines are now treated as criminal offenses. Protest participants can be detained for up to 60 days. Previously it was 15 days. These measures are being taken despite the absence of serious violent clashes or property damage in recent months. Critics describe the punishments as excessive.

A Polarized Society

The controversy surrounding these bills has deeply polarized Georgian society. One side argues that the government is protecting Georgia's sovereignty from foreign interference. The other side accuses the government of following Russia's playbook and destroying democracy.

Supporters of the ruling party argue that Western-funded NGOs have improperly interfered in Georgia's domestic affairs. They cite, in particular, certain environmental groups that opposed state projects such as hydroelectric dam projects. According to them, these organizations acted under foreign direction to obstruct national development. A government official states, "We are simply demanding transparency."

The opposition counters that this is merely a pretext. The real purpose, they argue, is to silence government critics. The label "foreign agent" has the effect of branding these organizations as "spies" or "traitors." It erodes public trust and chills their activities.

The European Path, a Closed Door

The passage of these bills has effectively halted Georgia's EU accession process. The EU has made clear that these laws are incompatible with its core values. The door was already closing before the government itself declared a suspension of EU negotiations in November 2024.

Georgia's constitution lists EU and NATO membership as national goals. Approximately 80 percent of the population supports EU membership. Yet the current government's actions directly conflict with this popular aspiration. Critics argue that "Georgia's Dream" is severing Georgia from the Western democratic sphere and returning it to Russia's sphere of influence.

The government denies this. Prime Minister Kobakhidze wrote in an opinion piece for Euronews that "Georgia's European orientation is firm and irreversible." He argued that "Georgia's path is European, peaceful, and principle-based." Yet the gap between words and deeds continues to widen.

The Path to Authoritarianism

As of 2025, Georgia is assessed to be sliding toward authoritarianism at the fastest pace since independence. Opposition leaders and activists are regularly arrested or forced into exile. Reports suggest that the number of political prisoners relative to population exceeds even Russia's.

There are also concerns that Chinese-made facial recognition cameras are being installed nationwide. Many protest participants have begun wearing masks to avoid identification. Amnesty International has characterized Georgia's new laws as "repressive."

An analyst at the Carnegie Endowment assessed that Georgia is moving toward "managed democracy." The analysis suggests that, lacking the resources or external patrons that Azerbaijan, Belarus, and Russia possess to build a robust and durable authoritarian system, Georgia may find a complete transition to dictatorship difficult. However, pressure on the opposition and civil society continues to mount. Some observers note that by the next election in 2028, the regime may be attempting to transform "the divided opposition into a convenient sparring partner existing purely for show."

Resistance Continues

Yet resistance among Georgian citizens continues. Protests have persisted for over 300 days. The younger generation shows particularly strong resolve in resistance. Imprisoned activists send messages of solidarity through letters from prison.

When pro-Western forces won Moldova's parliamentary election in September 2025 despite Russian interference, some Georgian protesters waved the Moldovan flag. A Polish political analyst assessed that the Moldovan flag had become "a symbol of resistance" and "a symbol of Russian defeat."

Georgia's future has not yet been determined. A tense tug of war continues between street resistance and government repression. While Europe's door has not completely closed, reopening it under the current regime seems impossible. The moment is approaching when Georgians themselves must decide their own future.